Many of Florida’s elected leaders in the state Legislature and Congress understand what a special place this is. They are often seen at fairs, festivals, churches and other community gathering points, talking to people from different backgrounds and taking a deep interest in all the aspects of the communities they serve.
Other politicians, however, seem to regard their districts as mere launching pads for their own aspirations. They are rarely seen outside of orchestrated events, where they are often isolated from members of the public who might want to speak with them. Some of them don’t even bother to show up for legislative delegation hearings. And they treat the state as fertile ground to plunder, slicing and dicing to ensure partisan advantage and concentrate power in the hands of an elite few.
That power struggle is nothing new. In the Jim Crow era, old-school Democrats dominated the state’s politics — and did what they needed to do to stay on top, drawing legislative districts that deliberately weakened minority communities and split apart communities to elect as many Democrats as possible. That scheming, combined with federal voting-rights legislation, eventually brought about the Democrats’ downfall. By the mid-1990s, the tide was clearly turning to favor the GOP.
But none of those Dixiecrats would have dared to divide and conquer the state’s voters as ruthlessly as Gov. Ron DeSantis. In 2022, he effectively seized control over the state’s redistricting process, vetoing a map approved by the Legislature and demanding that lawmakers substitute a plan written by his own staff. DeSantis’ plan was clearly crafted to maximize Republican dominance, despite a 2010 pair of constitutional amendments that mandated fairly drawn districts. His plan worked: In 2020, the GOP held 16 of Florida’s 27 House seats. Now, that advantage has them in control of 20 of 28. And he was able to lock in that dominance for 10 years, since Florida’s constitution (as well as federal voting laws) states that redistricting should take place following the decennial Census.
Dividing Florida
That’s not enough for the governor. He is demanding a bizarre — and almost certainly unconstitutional — mid-decade redrawing of the state’s congressional districts, calling the current divisions “malapportioned.” We agree with that conclusion, but only because the governor himself rigged the game in 2022. DeSantis’ map was engineered to destroy minority-opportunity representation in North Florida and Central Florida and disadvantage as many Democratic voters as possible.
DeSantis’ current, greedy power play is a clear response to President Donald Trump’s call to manipulate the 2026 elections and keep Congress from losing its narrow GOP majority. Texas took the lead with a highly controversial plan intended to flip as many as five Democratic seats to Republican control; this week, Missouri lawmakers passed their own rigged map. Trump responded on social media: “This new Map will give the wonderful people of Missouri the opportunity to elect an additional MAGA Republican in the 2026 Midterm Elections!”
To justify his own power grab, DeSantis is floating the notion that Florida is somehow entitled to a 29th congressional district, claiming that Florida was severely undercounted in the 2020 Census. If that’s true, it’s DeSantis’ fault: He bluntly refused to invest the time, money and leadership needed to ensure a complete and accurate count. But there’s simply no procedure for Florida to pick up another congressional seat, since it would have to come out of another state’s delegation.
That’s just the first of the problems that Florida voting-rights advocates see with the governor’s scheme. In a recent online meeting of the nonpartisan Florida League of Women Voters, president Jessica Lowe-Minor ran through the legal flaws in the governor’s plan. She acknowledged that the state constitution doesn’t prohibit mid-decade redistricting — but federal and state law do require any new lines to be drawn using only data from the most recent census. That would be the same 2020 head-count that DeSantis now claims was inaccurate.
The most important point League leaders touched on: Florida’s constitution clearly states that districts cannot be drawn to favor a particular party or incumbent. DeSantis hasn’t bothered to hide his intent to grab more seats for Republicans, and since lawmakers would need to use the same numbers they used in 2022, that partisan motive would be even more overt. Any redrawn maps would have to be complete by April 2026, all but ensuring a process that is rushed and secretive.
We hope that doesn’t sit well with House Speaker Daniel Perez and Senate President Ben Albritton, both of whom have resisted some of the governor’s most imperious demands with a resolve sadly lacking in their predecessors. This week, Perez announced the creation of two select committees on redistricting, but has otherwise refused to tip his hand. Albritton hasn’t said anything at all about his intentions.
Time to stand up
For Floridians of all persuasions, this could be a make-or-break moment. Will legislative leaders stand up for the rule of law and the state’s clear, simple rules meant to respect the voices of every Floridian? Or will they cave to the whims of a governor who clearly doesn’t care about fairness or equity, just power?
Albritton and Perez know the truth: The GOP already has total control over state government, and a chokehold on the state’s delegation. An arrogant move to seize even more power will clearly demonstrate to all voters that state leaders care more about holding on to control than they do about Floridians’ needs and opinions. Such visible contempt could cost the GOP its formidable lead in Florida — but there’s a more important reason to say “no” to DeSantis: It’s simply the right thing to do.
The Orlando Sentinel Editorial Board consists of Opinion Editor Krys Fluker, Executive Editor Roger Simmons and Viewpoints Editor Jay Reddick. Contact us at insight@orlandosentinel.com.
